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Zionist Proposals
1) The first proposal was made by the
so-called ‘Peace Federation’, led by Rabbi Benyamin, who called for a dual-nation
state. They warned the Jews that the failure
to accept a single dual-nation state would
not bring about peace for the Jews. As they
predicted, this is exactly what has
happened.
2) The confederate or federal solution
proposed by Mieer Imit, a prominent leader
in the Zionist movement and the Hagana
organisation, holder of various important
and prominent military positions, Knesset
member and minister, and holder of various
other positions.
He believes that the strategic concession of
occupied land, by which he naturally meant
territory such as Sinai, the Golan, the West
Bank and Gaza, would be tantamount to
walking away from tangible gains for which,
according to him, there could be no
compensation, and although Egypt had offered
such gains, they were subject to sudden
change. He discussed the feasibility of
establishing a federal state giving the
examples of the European Union; the United
States of America, which, according to him,
experienced 13 years of turmoil up to 1789;
and Nigeria, a multi-denominational and
multi-nation state in his view. He wrote
that the economic, military, geographical
and historical considerations that underpin
such a solution exist in Palestine.
He further noted that the establishment of
an independent Palestinian state constituted
a grave danger and that, in order to avoid
these dangers, a single federal state must
be established. “The problem of Jerusalem,”
he wrote, “can be simply resolved by making
it the capital of a federal union.
3) Proposal of the German Zionists. The 12th
Conference of the German Zionists (the Structuralist School), convened on 11
September 1921, adopted the concept of
establishing a single state for both
parties, and thereby “establishing a place
in an alliance with the Arab Palestinian
people for our joint security in a
developing state, the structure of which
guarantees the national development of each
person of our two peoples without
interference”.
Arab Proposals
1) First Proposal of King Abdallah
i) One Kingdom.
ii) Administration selected by the Jews in
areas inhabited by them.
iii) One Parliament, in which Jews were to
be represented in proportion to their
demographic share.
iv) Mixed Cabinet.
2) Second Proposal of King Abdallah
Partition of Palestine between Lebanon,
Jordan and Egypt, with the remainder left to
the Jews.
3) Nuri Al-Said Proposal of 1942
i) One state.
ii) Jewish autonomy within this state.
All pre-1948 proposals called for a single
state and some approached the Jews as the
Palestinians are now treated, namely in
terms of offering them autonomy and
partition of land, etc.
The failure to accept the notion of a single
state is thus the historical mistake which
lies behind today’s tragedy. A declaration
establishing one state by one party for its
own benefit is also a mistake, and the
concept of partition has failed and will do
so again.
Before 1948 the Jews were regarded in just
the same manner as the Palestinians are
regarded today. There were a minority in
Palestine, fed allusions to self-rule at one
moment and Jewish areas another.
Palestinians were in the majority, which is
why they rejected the well-known partition
resolution of 1947. Following 1948 this
situation was reversed: the Palestinians
became the minority as a result of the 1948
and 1967 wars, the Jews the majority within
the area termed Israel, and intimations of
self-rule, Arab areas and partition were
made to the Arabs, just as they had
previously been made to the Jews.
The final
historic solution is that proposed in this,
The White Book.
The reason for this overview of the
various proposals was to demonstrate that
the notion of a single Palestinian state was
on the negotiating table and that the
rejection of this solution is the cause of
the tragedy experienced by the region today.
The alternative to the one state solution is
what we see before us today.
Two States: Risks and Misconceptions
An Israeli scholar and Brigadier who served
as a military commander in the West Bank
from 1974 to 1976 once said that it was not
possible to accept the partition of
Palestine or agree to foreign rule over
Israel’s territory. He justified his refusal
with the following facts, which, because
they are critical, cannot be ignored:
The West Bank is a mountainous area 50 km
wide as the crow flies and up to 1000 metres
high. It overlooks Israel’s vital heartland
— a coastal plain just 14-20 km in width.
67% of Israel’s population live in this
area, which also holds 80% of Israel’s
industries. The presence of another party in
the West Bank, posing a direct threat to the
Israeli heartland, cannot therefore be
accepted.
Brigadier Mieer Bael is a tolerant adherent
of the Zionist left and member of the Peace
Council, and yet he both affirms and
emphasises, “Our right is historical in the
West Bank and many believe it to be ‘the
heart of the Jewish nation’. Our right to
retain it is sacredly established in
religious and historical duties and
traditions, in which the people of Israel
believe.
The same argument is put forward for not
conceding the West Bank on grounds of
critical reasons by Arie Shalev, a scholar
and Brigadier, “Were we to lose the West
Bank,” he wrote, “Israel’s depth between
Tulkarem and Natanya would be just 15 km and
between Qalqiliyah and the Hertzalia coast
just 14 km. Israel would thus be exposed due
to a lack of strategic depth in the face of
any threat. In the event of war breaking out
in the West Bank, Israel would be divided
into two or three parts were an Arab army to
reach the coast.”
“Even without a war, Israel would remain
under constant threat from the West Bank and
Israeli airspace would be at the control of
the West Bank.
He went further, saying, “To guarantee
Israel’s security, the West Bank must be
divided into three defensive positions,
namely Ghur and the river Jordan, the foot
of the mountains of Samaria and the Judean
desert, and the high peaks that link Jenin,
Tobas, Nablus, the Lafuna heights, Ramallah,
Jerusalem, Bethlehem and Tikwa’. This is in
addition to fixed lines of defence in the
south of the Gaza Strip.”
“Any area dividing the Palestinians and the
Israelis would not be source of security for
Israeli. In fact, it would constitute a
security irritation.”
However, he noted, “Israel’s policies have
poisoned the Zionist idea of transforming
the country into a two-nation state.”

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